Despite this, she cares deeply for him and enjoys his company. Yukina is the only main character aside from Kuwabara's sister who refers to him by his given name, Kazuma. Yukina also appears very curious about the identity of her brother and is determined to find him, though in the end she never finds out who he is.
She is a very caring person and loves nature. The most well known and tragic example of this is when Elder Toguro constricts and kills two birds in his hand, resulting in her breaking into tears.
Despite being taken prisoner and used as a "gem producer" by Gonzo Tarukaneshe didn't allow it to affect her opinion of humans, remarking to Kuwabara, shortly after being freed, that she still enjoys being around them. Over time, Yukina distanced herself from her people.
She felt that the Ice Maidens had grown cynical and emotionless as a race, remarking that their hearts were as "frozen" as their homeland.
Due their cold nature driving her mother to suicide, she reveals a more vengeful side as well, one motive to find her twin brother being to fulfill their self fulfilling prophecy of their demise at the hands of the "imiko".
Yukina's mother, Hinabroke the rules of their people by conceiving children through her relationship with her lover, a male fire demon. Hina gave birth to twins, a boy and a girl.
The boy, Hieiwas taken from her, since he was viewed as being cursed. In order to save Yukina, Rui was forced to drop Hiei off a cliff. Hina later committed suicide, and her best friend, Rui, raised Yukina. Yukina was eventually told about her twin brother, and she left the ice world to look for him. Kuwabara, convinced that she was his destined soulmate, also went along to save her. The above passage is so disgusting that it called my attention to the role sexuality played in articulating the turn-of-the century dominant racial imagination in Peru.
Listen to another quote:. Lima and Cuzco are, in the nature of things, the two opposing hubs of our nationality. Lima is the yearning for adaptation to European culture; Cuzco represents the millenary cultural heritage of the Incas; Lima is foreign-inclined, Hispanophile, Europeanized; Cuzco instead is vernacular its nationalism is pure.
Cultural racial purity--and the nationalism it inspired-- was gendered, sexualized, and imprinted on the geography. To articulate these arguments, Indigenistas borrowed from North Atlantic racial thinkers the idea that races degenerated if they were moved from their proper geographical places.
There, Valcarcel claimed, they degenerated morally. The same author claimed: "The impure Indian woman finds refuge in the city. Flesh of the whorehouse, one day she will die in the hospital. Thus, while opposing terminal racial hierarchies, the culturalist definition of race had room for discrimination and it was opened and confirmed by images of sexuality. But they also used sexualized images to create moral racial distance, and thus subordinate commoners and justify discrimination morally.
About her it was said:. Seno de Oro the most beautiful wife of Manko was the heroine. Don Gonzalo wanted her for himself, and she was faithful to her race.
How could she offer her body to the impure assassin of her gods and of her kings? Kori Ojllo [sic] in order to frighten away from her the Spanish gallant had covered her perfect torso with something repugnant capable of driving away Don Juan himself.
But still more virulent was the hatred that her eyes distilled. Kori Ojllo has revived in the Andes. There where the Indian returns to his Pre-Columbian purity; there where they shook free of the filth of the invader. Kori Ojllo lives, a fierce female, whom the white man can no longer conquer. The hatred, stronger than ever, inhibits the latent sexuality, conquers the temptations, and the Indian woman of the hostile clans prefers to die than to surrender herself.
What disgust if she gives up. She would be exiled from the ayllu. She would return no more to her adored native region. Even the dogs will come out to bite her. The racial xenophobia imputed to indigenous female sexuality constituted the invisible very intimate touchstone that allowed Indigenistas to define mestizaje as immoral, and primarily sexually so.
Mestizaje was the impure consequence of rape or female sexual deviance. It had resulted in mestizos, sexually irrepresible, culturally chaotic, and therefore immoral social beings.
Hence, hybridity in Cuzco represented not biological but moral degeneration, stirred by the alteration of the original order, by an inappropriate cultural environment, and furthured by a deficient education.
The elite regardless of skin color and of cultural mixture were sheltered from the stains of mestizaje. They were educated, occupied their racial proper places both geographically and socially and thus lived within the dictum of moral order.
They were gente decente, people of worth. Men were gentlemen, their women were ladies, and as such they displayed appropriate sexual behavior. Caballeros were responsible patriarchs and damas virtuous women, but more importantly decencia inspired them to fall in love with each other, thus preventing the transgression of racial boundaries.
Sexual disorder was not normal among gente decente: it was the attribute of urban commoners, the mestizos. Anti mestizo feelings colored Indigenista nationalist activities, including the most cultural ones, like stagings of "Inca Theater.
This term translates as "the language of the chiefs" and was a colonial, hispanicized Quechua sociolect, imagined as a kind of High Quechua, the allegedly exclusive language of the Inca aristocracy. Non-elite playwrights, deemed mestizos, and therefore denied the category of intellectuals, were prevented as much as possible from staging Inca Theatre because they supposedly used Runa Simi, which translated as "the language of the people" and was considered a low class quechua, polluted with Spanish words and devoid of the supposed philological individuality of Capac Simi.
Indeed the search for cultural racial purity transcended guardianship of Inca tradition. It also organized urban and rural regional policies.
In the city, market women abhorred and known as mestizas--were a direct target of Municipal sanctions and supervision. Guards strolled the market place to prevents abusive mestizas from increasing foodstuff prices at their will. Similarly, in order to ease the supervision of cleanliness, city authorities obliged market women to wear white aprons and to cut their hair: their indigenous woolen clothes and long braids nested bugs of all sorts. Meanwhile, in the countryside, anti-mestizo policies acquitted gentlemen hacendados from abusing Indian peons and from catlle rustling, charges that were leveled instead to plebeian owners of newly acquired properties, considered illegitimate because they were not backed by colonial aristocratic titles.
Clearly, Indigenista anti-mestizo practices targeted urban and rural, female and male commoners whose income could be considerable, yet who lacked the education and allegedly the consequent morality that would allow their entrance into the elite. Ultimately, Indigenista anti- mestizaje rhetoric represented a conservative class rhetoric against an incipient, obviously nonaristocratic, petty bourgeoisie that was emerging from among the popular classes.
Hence being mestizo in Peru was a racialized class fact, where class was not only judged in terms of income but of education and origin. The idea of "race" linked to education and indeed to class and gender leads me directly to address--if briefly-how my own identity has shaped the research of which this paper is part. I think that most less privileged Peruvians would not make a crucial distinction between me and individuals considered white by North American standards.
This contrasts sharply with the perception that my US friends have of me, particularly those who met me in this country and not in Peru. Obviously it was not my grandmother s dislike of mestizos which prevented my identification as one; rather this was the result of the historical intellectual and political itinerary of mestizaje in Peru.
And this might have been one of the hidden legacies of Indigenismo. Valcarcel became Minister of Education in the s, and since then either overtly or surreptitiously, Indigenismo--and its undergirding anti-mestizo feeling-- inspired significant official cultural policies. For example, since mid-century--and for a long period under the leadership of Jose Maria Arguedas--the state promoted the training of Quechua-speaking rural teachers.
Similarly, the state promoted purist manifestations of indigenous folklore, while emphatically discouraging those considered "inauthentic" or "mestizo. Yet I want to link this Peruvian exception to another one: while in the countries that I have just mentioned powerful ethnic social movements have emerged since the late seventies, similar efforts in Peru are still very marginal.
Some analysts have interpreted the absence of "ethnic social movements" in present-day Peru to reflect indigenous "assimilation" and cultural loss. According to this perspective, Peruvian Indians are either behind in terms of ethnic consciousness or have yielded to dominant mestizaje projects.
The conceptual reification implied in this view accounts for its ahistoricism. It contains indigenous Peruvians within the parameters of "an ethnic group," and forgets that ethnicity is only one among the host of social relations race, gender, class, geography, generation to name commonplaces that organize and disorganize indigenous and nonindigenous life processes.
But, most importantly it disregards that "indigenous culture" exceeds the scope of Indianness. I know this sounds strange, but I will tell you what I mean and how I leraned about it. From the s Yupanki Dual 99 Mix the mid s, indigenous peasant leaders from all over the country, but most specifically from Cuzco, led a long political insurrection against the traditional hacienda system.
The conflict, organized in alliance with leftist parties, and waged under the colors of class struggle, destabilized the political order and eventually forced a military coup, and a radical Agrarian Reform in Blinded by the success of class rhetoric, leftist social scientists have ignored the indigenous cultural aspects of the struggle, which were abundant. Ardent insurrectional speeches were delivered in Quechua in its Runa Simi version and the Yupanki Dual 99 Mix massive demonstrations in the Plaza de Armas of Cuzco were attended by peasants wearing ponchos and chullos, clothes that express indigenous identity and which were specially and symbolically worn for those occasions.
I would not have paid attention to the significance of these symbols, without the help of Mariano Turpo, a self-identified indigenous leader, active since the s, and who took part in the ss struggle for land.
From him I learned that indigenous utilization of class rhetoric was a political option, and it did not represent the loss of indigenous culture, but rather a strategy towards its empowerment. Instead it coupled both. He is a paqo--an Andean ritual specialist, somewhat like a diviner.
During the years of the struggle, this role was crucial in his capacity as a regional politician. In his own words, "they did not follow anybody but me, they accepted me because I was the only one that knew, I consulted the Apu Ausangate [the regional Andean deity] before going on any strike, before signing any document. Rather de-Indianization implied shedding a social condition entailing absolute denial of civil rights.
This definition of Indianness was reinforced when, in the midst of the struggle for land--and while state cultural activists were busy promoting indigenous folklore-- other state representatives--the police--used the label "Indian" to deny peasant leaders their rights to public speech while torturing people like Don Mariano. De-Indianization meant--as Don Mariano had urged in his letter-- becoming literate, being able to live beyond the hacienda territory, in general obtaining civil rights.
And non of this meant shedding indigenous culture, on the contrary it meant empowering it, and thus pushing it beyond the scope of disenfranchised Indianness. After my lessons with Don Mariano, it was impossible for me to assume that "the loss of indigenous culture" explained the lack of ethnic movements in Peru.
Don Mariano helped me Yupanki Dual 99 Mix that the absence of overt culturalist or ethnic political slogans during that period, resulted from the need to take a distance from state-sponsored Indigenismo and its allegedly pro-Indian, and highly anti-mestizo language.
I thus returned to the notion of mestizaje and found it had had more than one trajectory, and more than one meaning. They proudly call themselves "mestizo," while refusing to disappear in the cultural national homogeneity that the dominant definition of mestizo conveys. Adriana and Isabel, two young university students whom I befriended, were among the first to alert me about this, to me totally unusual, meaning of mestizo. Since I was aware of the stigma Indianness carried in Cuzco, one day while we were chatting at the university cafeter a I asked them if they had problems performing the dance.
The response and the ensuing conversation merit being quoted at length:. Isabel: Last year we had a problem with one young man. He did not want to dance because they had insulted him as "cholo Indian.
Marisol: Why did you tell him that he was "not entirely that way? Adriana: Well you see, Marisol, in Cuzco, Yupanki Dual 99 Mix pueblo, we can all be Indians, and some Indians are also mestizos. Like us Marisol: What do you mean you are not like me? We are all university students, we have the same skin color, the same kind of hair, we are speaking in Spanish We are different and alike, do you understand?
Rather, as a lived experience that has redefined Indianness by decoupling it from indigenous culture, the subordinate notion of mestizaje exceeds the bounds of binary racial discourses, and can thus bring sameness into difference, and difference into sameness. I repeat Adriana s and Isabel s words: "We are different and alike, do you understand Marisol?
Obviously, dominant definitions of mestizaje--and the racial cultural projects they entail--have not disappeared from the national political scene. They have remained latent either among leftist or conservative ideologues.
Incidentally, the celebrated writer Vargas Llosa revived it, when he said:. Indian peasants live in such a primitive way that communication is practically impossible. It is only when they move to the cities that they have the opportunity to mingle with the other Peru.
The price they must pay for integration is high-renunciation of their culture, their language, their beliefs, their traditions, and customs, and the adoption of the culture of their ancient masters. After one generation they become mestizos. They are no longer Indians. Although used to promote mestizaje, Vargas Llosa s words illustrate the survival of earlier Indigenista culturalist rhetoric, this time dressed in the evolutionary ethnic lexicon to which Peruvian anthropology, resorted when race was evicted from scientific discourse.
Within this new framework, Indians were an ethnic group that represented an earlier stage of development and were culturally different from mestizos. This allegedly nonracial yet evolutionary lexicon, which allows for images of "indigenous improvement" and speaks of hierarchies of reason is facilitated by the culturalist talk, provided by certain notions of ethnicity.
They also give a nonracist allure to images like those produced by Vargas Llosa, and lead to the manifold current denials of racism in Peru. Analysts of contemporary European "racism without race" Barker,Gilroy,BalibarTarguieff, explain that the new European version of racism is a culturalist rhetoric of exclusion resulting from the reformulation of former biological discriminatory procedures.
My historical study of racial discourse in twentieth century Peru shows that the concepts of race and culture were thoroughly intertwined and that race was not only biology. When the international scientific community rebuked race as biology, the culturalist tendency to explain and legitimate racial hierarchies preserved its academic, political, and social authority. It was smuggled in the apparent egalitarianism of culture talk. Unlike scholars of current European forms of exclusion, I claim that--at least for the case of Peru--culturalist forms of exclusion and discrimination are not new, nor are they without race.
Neoliberalism: The End of Silent Racism? Inthe now infamous Alberto Fujimori ran for president against the renowned writer Mario Vargas Llosa calling upon "chinitos" an allusion to himself and "cholitos" working class Peruvians to join forces against "blanquitos" Vargas Llosa and the elite circles surrounding him.
El Chino, as he came to be known, promised a government that would promote "technology, honesty, and work. The electoral campaign, the first act in the year-long drama that finally drove the increasingly corrupt and dictatorial Fujimori from office, pitted him against Alejandro Toledo, a Peruvian of working class origins, whose campaign evoked the complexity of Peruvian mestizajes.
Like in most stories of mestizaje, migration and education play a crucial role in Alejando Toledo s public electoral life story. This emphasizes his poor origins in an Andean village and his success in earning a Ph. However, rather than using education to silence his origins--like the ideology of decency would have indicated-- throughout his electoral campaigns Toledo loudly claimed cholo identity. Yet, this identity is not simple. On the contrary, "el Cholo Toledo" is multifaceted for the images he uses to fashion his electoral persona draw--perhaps independently of Toledo s intentions--from the historical rhetoric of Peruvian mestizaje and its multiple meanings.
At the most obvious level, Alejandro Toledo s electoral campaign connects with the Incanist, anti-mestizo tradition promoted by Valcarcel s indigenismo. As the symbol of their political party they chose the "Chakana," described as an Inka symbol that signaled the dawn of a new era.
Within the same script, very important political gatherings have been held in Cuzco, where the candidate opened the demonstrations with a ritual salute to the Andean deities that surround the city, and Eliane Karp, Toledo s anthropologist wife addressed the crowds in Quechua, the indigenous language.
Less obviously, but summoning the attention of a crucial sector of the electorate, Alejandro Toledo s image wearing a chullo and a tie connects with indigenous views of mestizaje--those that, for example, see Quechua and vernacular Andean practices, as compatible, even coming to fruition, with a university degree, and economic success.
However, and notwithstanding the candidate s reverberant claims to a working class cholo identity, he also connects with elite views of mestizaje. His university degree, his "studies abroad," and of course his marriage to a foreign white woman loom large, and thus "Alejandro"--as his elite peers familiarly call him--represents an "ironed" choloness, one that has been tamed by education and is a useful political strategy.
Alvaro Vargas Llosa--the writer s son-- praised Toledo s "cool calculating mind of a Stanford, and Harvard academic" and his ability to "understand life from a viewpoint rooted in analytic rigor and scientific information. Coinciding with his son s opinion, Mario Vargas Llosa, expressed his support of Toledo by describing him as a "modern Indian, a Cholo without grudges or inferiority complexes. Attributing this effect to Alberto Fujimori s origins and phenotype would be too simple, and would have probably disappeared with the now fugitive President.
That this has not been the case, obliges further explanation. Inin my annual summer visit to Peru, I was surprised by the outpouring of denunciations against racism set off when the employees of four separate night clubs and a coffee house in Lima barred entry to several persons seemingly because they perceived them to be non-white identity, has the right to participate in the free market.
The anti-racist saga was complex: The Institute for the Defense of the Consumer had taken on the denunciations and had leveled fines against the businesses accused of discrimination. Revealing that the state is not monolithic and also making visible the corruption that affects its practices several judges were bribed into revoking the Institute s sanctions.
Against this backdrop, another state institution, the Human Rights Commission of the National Congress, organized a public audience to discuss the pros and cons of penalizing "racism" constitutionally. Throughout the process, I could not but think: Why denounce racism now? And the crucial response came from a lawyer from the sanctioning Institute:.
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Namespaces Article Talk. Views Read Edit View history. Help Learn to edit Community portal Recent changes Upload file. Download as Yupanki Dual 99 Mix Printable version. Wikimedia Commons. Bolnick . SW United States. The records also show kurakas local chiefs providing labor to the Spaniards in exchange for a fee, using traditional social customs Spalding The kuraka received raw cotton from the Spaniards and distributed it to the Indians under his jurisdiction. He then sold the finished cloth to the Spaniards for cash payment.
By the eighteenth century, not only kurakas but also the wealthier members of Indian society in general traded their possessions in the Spanish markets for goods they then sold to fellow Indians. An entire class of merchants called principales stocked the shops that they set up in their communities with European commodities bought from Spanish merchants. Another element of individualism, apart from commerce, also existed in the ancient Andes.
Each ayllu consisted of one or more families claiming to descend from some remote godlike ancestor. The houses in which they lived, as well as the orchards, belonged to them. So did their tools.
Although the chief wielded power over the community, he had obligations, including the protection of private property. Differences in wealth inevitably developed between the communities, which led to war Vargas Llosa The kuraka represented the kindred members of his community, and the community members, in exchange for favors and labor they were not actually obliged to supply, received services such as the settlement of disputes, the enforcement of claims by the weaker members, and the conduct of rituals.
Anyone who visits a market fair among the Indian communities of the Andes, southern Mexico, or Guatemala will detect a powerful spirit of trade among peoples who in many ways remain remote from the mainstream of Western culture. One has only to see how peasants have parceled out 60 percent of the land collectivized by agrarian reform in Peru to recognize the heritage of ancient times, when the communities used to parcel out the land among the families and individuals who subsequently became its owners.
Notable, too, are the arts of pottery and weaving, which Indians practice with as much ingenuity today as in centuries long past and strive to place in the local or international market.
So among the Indians who came to be organized in vast empires under the Aztecs and the Incas, and in powerful city-states in the case of the Mayas, the spirit of the individual was not dead. Imperial power did much to coerce that spirit into subservience, but it did not eliminate the continuation of that spirit as an element of the cultural heritage. The conquest of South America was marked by tensions over property and autonomy between the conquerors and the Spanish monarchy that chartered them.
The outcome was determined early on, when the independent-minded first wave of conquistadores put up an ultimately unsuccessful fight against the metropolitan power in defense of private property and government by consent. These players constitute an important precedent. Chief among the rebels was Gonzalo Pizarro, the brother and political heir of Francisco Pizarro. The ensuing conflict in Peru saw the emergence of an ideologically motivated movement under Gonzalo Pizarro.
Major intellectual voices justified their sedition against absolutism with ideas of government by consent and private property. The rebels based a good part of their claims on St. Moreover, even within the realm of rigid scholastic doctrine, legal and moral voices in Spain sought to place government under the rule of higher principles. In less-obvious ways, they also remind us of the Saracens, who had ruled Iberia with a liberal hand and whose scientific energy and enterprise still infused that part of the world when the unified Christian monarchy that expelled the Moors Muslims undertook the conquest of the Americas.
A much more systematic and profound if equally unheeded by the political authorities contribution to the individualist spirit in the sixteenth century was the School of Salamanca, a group of Jesuit and Dominican scholastic thinkers now considered forerunners of the Austrian school of economics of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
Still, those associated with the School of Salamanca introduced common sense into the theological perspective on worldly matters and debunked many misconceptions regarding the value of goods, the role of money, and taxation.
They based their beliefs on natural law as developed by Thomas Aquinas who was influenced by Aristotelian philosophy a few centuries earlier Huerta de Soto Although their teachings did not shape public policy in Spain or therefore in Latin America, where in practice scholasticism meant the theological justification of colonial oppression, the Salamancan scholars constitute a venerable legacy of sound economic thinking.
Long before the Austrians, the School of Salamanca discovered the subjective nature of value, under which no good in the market has an objective value that can be determined by the authorities or by any other outsider.
Prices are not determined by costs, which including wages are themselves prices, but by the public in a competitive exchange environment. The School of Salamanca not all its figures were actually associated with that university expresses an old tradition of capitalist thought in the Spanish world that ruled Latin America. It was eclipsed by the spirit of the Counter Reformation, which was so prevalent that these scholastics themselves were part of it.
Their valuable economic lessons thus amounted to academic speculation while real policy was reserved for everything they so lucidly attacked. The independence movement of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries also contained some genuine expressions of liberty. Free trade was one of them. The Spanish monopoly was an essential target of the Creole revolt.
Being able to trade with England, France, Holland, and other places was a major aspiration.
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